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28 octobre, 2008

L’ombre des paradis fiscaux plane sur le procès « Angolagate ».

Classé dans : Non classé — cabinda @ 18:02

 Les paradis fiscaux, épinglés dans le débat international sur la crise financière, ont été mardi à Paris au coeur du procès de l’ « Angolagate », l’affaire des ventes d’armes à l’Angola pour laquelle 42 suspects sont jugés.

Lors de la 11e audience, le tribunal s’est intéressé aux dizaines de comptes bancaires auxquels avait accès Pierre Falcone, principal suspect poursuivi pour une vente d’armes présumée illicite de 790 millions de dollars à l’Angola en 1993-1998 et la constitution d’un réseau d’influence politique en France.

Le tribunal a dit s’interroger sur les dizaines de sociétés du « groupe Brenco » que Pierre Falcone revendique, car il n’a pu être retrouvé aucun document attestant de leur existence, tels que procès-verbal d’assemblée générale ou compte de résultats, a remarqué le président Jean-Baptiste Parlos.

« Mais en revanche on a retrouvé beaucoup de comptes bancaires. C’est déjà ça… », a dit le magistrat, avant d’énumérer les dizaines de comptes recensés par la police sur l’Ile de Man – paradis fiscal off-shore rattaché au Royaume-Uni – , aux Iles Vierges britanniques, en Suisse, en Colombie, au Luxembourg, aux Bahamas.

Pierre Falcone avait accès personnellement à tous ces comptes, où sont parvenus les 177,841 millions de dollars représentant son bénéfice personnel sur la vente d’armes, selon le dossier lu par le président. Son associé Arcady Gaydamak, en fuite en Israël, a perçu de son côté 219,727 millions par des biais similaires.

Les interrogations sur l’activité réelle des sociétés de Pierre Falcone, installées dans le monde entier et immatriculées aussi dans des paradis fiscaux, ont donné lieu à des échanges tendus.

DÉMINAGE

Pourquoi y avait-il deux Brenco Trading Limited, une à l’Ile de Man, une aux Iles Vierges, par où ont transité les flux financiers liés aux ventes d’armes ?, a demandé le président.

« Je ne peux pas répondre à cette question », a dit Pierre Falcone, évoquant le secret-défense angolais auquel il affirme être tenu.

Il a affirmé avoir des affaires dans l’emballage et les fruits au Brésil, les hôtels en Colombie, le métro au Mexique, les achats d’espaces publicitaires, « l’électromagnétique sismique », les « biens alimentaires d’urgence » et même le « déminage » en Angola.

Aucune preuve de la véracité de ces activités ne figure au dossier, a remarqué le tribunal, qui a tiqué sur le « déminage », étant donné qu’il est démontré par l’enquête que Pierre Falcone a vendu des mines antipersonnel au gouvernement de ce pays.

« Oui, nous avons aidé le gouvernement angolais à avoir accès à toutes les options valables sur ce marché (du déminage, ndlr) et avons créé une cellule d’écoute et de veille », a assuré Pierre Falcone.

Le « déminage » figurait parmi les activités mentionnées sur une plaquette de présentation saisie au siège de Brenco à Paris, mais pas la vente d’armes, a relevé le président. Aucun organigramme du « groupe » Brenco n’a en revanche été retrouvé.

Poursuivi aussi pour fraude fiscale en France, Pierre Falcone a expliqué avoir payé beaucoup d’impôts au Brésil et maintient avoir fait des affaires honnêtement.

« J’ai peut-être fait des erreurs dans certaines stratégies commerciales, mais je n’ai jamais eu la volonté délibérée de vivre sur le dos des autres », a-t-il dit.

Le procès se poursuit mercredi.

Thierry Lévêque, édité par Sophie Louet (REUTERS)

27 octobre, 2008

Afrique : La dette de 40 pays est inférieur à leus capitaux cachés à l’étranger.

Classé dans : Politique — cabinda @ 10:38

La dette extérieure totale des 40 pays de l’Afrique sub-saharienne est inférieure de 380 milliards de dollars à ses capitaux déposés à l’étranger. C’est le scandale que révèlent deux chercheurs de l’Université du Massachusetts.

Selon un rapport élaboré par deux chercheurs de l’Université du Massachusetts, Amherest, la somme des capitaux cachés à l’étranger par les 40 pays de l’Afrique sub-saharienne pendant la période 1970-2004 est de 607 milliards de dollars.

Or la dette étrangère totale de ces pays en 2004 était de 227 milliards de dollars. En d’autres termes, l’Afrique sub-saharienne est un créditeur net vers le reste du monde, au sens où ses activités extérieures, ou le capital caché dans des banques étrangères, dépasse ses passivités extérieures, c’est-à-dire sa dette étrangère.

CORRUPTION  ET  MALVERSATION :

Cette dette, rappellent les deux chercheurs, est en bonne partie détenue par ces mêmes banques où sont déposés les fonds soustraits par la corruption et la malversation.

La fuite annuelle des capitaux de l’Afrique sub-saharienne a d’autre part une valeur égale à l’aide annuelle au développement que reçoivent ces pays.

«Les personnes responsables de la fuite des capitaux sont généralement des membres de l’élite économique et politique locale, qui tirent avantage de leur position privilégiée pour acquérir des fonds et les transférer à l’étranger», affirme le rapport.

«L’acquisition et le transfert des capitaux comportent souvent des pratiques juridiquement discutables, parmi lesquelles la falsification de documents commerciaux, l’appropriation indue des gains des exportations, et les pots-de-vin sur les adjudications publiques et sur les contrats du secteur privé», précise-t-il encore.

LA  FUITE  DES  CAPITAUX  FRAPPE  LES  PAUVRES : 

La fuite des capitaux est un délit qui frappe les plus pauvres. Le rapport souligne en effet que les effets négatifs de la fuite des capitaux retombe sur le dos des membres de la société possédant moins.

L’impact régressif de la fuite des capitaux est aggravé quand il y a une dévaluation: les riches qui ont des capitaux étrangers ne ressentent pas ses effets, tandis que les pauvres ne jouissent d’aucune protection.

Il faut donc mettre au point des stratégies pour rapatrier les capitaux cachés dans des banques étrangères.

Quelques signes positifs sont arrivés récemment: les banques suisses ont en effet collaboré pour retrouver la trace des comptes courants de deux dictateurs africains morts il y a quelque temps, le zaïrois Mobutu et le nigérien Abacha. Mais cela n’a eu lieu qu’après une forte pression internationale.

Publié  le :  25  octobre  2008

Rubrique :  News – Afrique – Economie

Source :  http://wwww.bonnenouvelle.ch

Fonds détournés : Rendre justice à la population angolaise.

Classé dans : Non classé — cabinda @ 10:14

Alors qu’en France, le procès « Angolagate » est en cours, en Suisse, rien ne bouge. Le Procureur genevois, Daniel Zappelli, doit mener à terme l’enquête concernant le détournement de fonds publics angolais. La DDC doit, quant à elle, revenir sur sa décision d’accepter un contrat entre RUAG et l’Angola dans le cadre de la mise en œuvre de l’accord Angola-Suisse sur la restitution de 21 millions de dollars.

Ces fonds ont été provisoirement saisis par la Suisse dans le cadre d’une procédure sur la gestion de la dette angolaise envers la Russie. Le 1er novembre 2005, les gouvernements suisse et angolais ont conclu un accord pour la restitution des 21 millions de dollars (plus intérêts) sous la forme de projets humanitaires. Le gouvernement angolais a notamment proposé un contrat d’achat de matériel de déminage à l’entreprise suisse d’armement RUAG. Or, pour la Déclaration de Berne et Action Place Financière Suisse, il n’est pas possible d’intégrer ce contrat, conclut dans des circonstances douteuses et en contradiction avec les exigences de l’accord Angola-Suisse de 2005, dans un programme de déminage humanitaire.

Selon les informations de la Déclaration de Berne et Action Place Financière Suisse, il existe deux contrats entre RUAG et le gouvernement angolais, tous deux signés à la même date, avant le 1er novembre 2005. Ils couvraient plus ou moins le même matériel, des machines de déminage ainsi que du matériel de guerre, mais à des prix différents. Une expertise mandatée par la Direction du développement et de la coopération (DDC) avait d’ailleurs recommandé de n’accepter aucun de ces deux contrats, mais la DDC a décidé de ne pas en tenir compte.

De plus, RUAG encaissera une commission totalement injustifiée sur cette transaction, car elle ne produit pas elle-même le matériel de déminage, mais devra l’acheter à l’entreprise MineWolf. Il est incompréhensible que le projet de déminage n’ait pas fait l’objet d’un appel d’offre public, comme cela a été le cas pour le projet de formation professionnelle agricole également financé par ces fonds.

Ce manque évident de transparence ne constitue pas une base saine pour un projet de déminage humanitaire. La DDC doit donc impérativement :

·        revenir sur sa décision,

·        inviter, en collaboration avec le gouvernement angolais, la société civile angolaise à déposer des projets de déminage qui correspondent aux exigences de l’accord de 2005,

·        publier le texte de l’accord Angola-Suisse du 1er novembre 2005, dans l’esprit de la Loi suisse sur la transparence de l’administration du 24 mai 2006.

Pour rappel, la procédure toujours en cours à Genève concerne le détournement de 774 millions de dollars de fonds publics angolais  issus des revenus du pétrole. Cet argent était déposé sur un compte de l’UBS Genève, au nom de la société écran Abalone. Les titulaires, Pierre Falcone et Arcadi Gaydamak, font partie des prévenus dans le cadre du procès dit de l’« Angolagate », actuellement en cours à Paris. Selon le rapport Time for Transparency, publié en 2004 par l’ONG anglaise Global Witness, 600 millions de dollars ont été transférés sur des comptes appartenant à Falcone, Gaydamak et diverses sociétés écrans. Or, certains de ces comptes étaient contrôlés par de hauts fonctionnaires angolais et par le président Dos Santos. En décembre 2006, des citoyens angolais ont déposé une plainte auprès du Procureur genevois afin de relancer l’enquête. Un mémoire détaillé a été soumis à la justice genevoise, en juillet 2007. Le Procureur général, Daniel Zappelli, doit mener à terme l’enquête et rendre enfin justice à la population angolaise spoliée.

Pour plus d’informations:

Anne-Kathrin Glatz, Déclaration de Berne, +41 (0)21 620 03 09 ou +41 (0)76 542 32 62,

glatz@ladb.ch, www.ladb.ch

Max Mader, Action Place Financière Suisse, +41 (0)61 693 17 00 ou +41 (0)78 808 21 53,

afp@aktionfinanzplatz.ch, www.aktionfinanzplatz.ch

 

Dr Sarah Wykes

Corruption in Oil, Gas and Mining Campaign

Global Witness

PO Box 6042

London N19 5WP

Direct line: +44 (0)207 561 6362

Mobile: +44 (0)7703 108 449

Skype: sarahwykesgw

Skype number: +44 (0)20 8144 6489

www.globalwitness.org

www.publishwhatyoupay.org

25 octobre, 2008

Passaporte retirado a padre de Cabinda

Classé dans : Politique — cabinda @ 16:28

padresevo.jpg

Passaporte retirado a padre de Cabinda  dans Politique pixel
Após uma visita pessoal a Cabinda foi retirado o passaporte a Padre Sevo no momento em que se preparava para regressar a Madrid. O sacerdote seria supostamente acusado de um crime em Cabinda… quando se encontrava em Madrid.
Padre Pedro de Assunção Sevo Agostinho, conhecido como Padre Sevo, há quatro anos a estudar em Madrid, teve de se deslocar com urgência a Cabinda devido ao agravamento do estado de saúde do seu pai.Uma vez em Cabinda, apresenta-se de imediato ao bispo, D. Filomeno Vieira Dias, para cumprimentar e justificar da sua viagem. Terminada a visita pessoal no território, Padre Sevo parte para Luanda a fim de regressar a Espanha.

No aeroporto, 15 de Outubro, pelas 19 horas, depois de ter efectuado o «check-in», avançou para o controlo dos passaportes. Aí os homens da DNFA confiscam-lhe o passaporte e dizendo «que fosse ter com o chefe.» O responsável coloca então Padre Sevo numa salinha, sentado com uma zairense, onde ficou durante uma hora.

Preocupado com o aproximar da hora do embarque, o clerigo foi ter com os homens que estavam no controlo. Forçado por estes, o chefe acabou por aceitar o receber. Este, no entanto, não soube explicar-lhe quem emitira a ordem de interdição de saída do país. Alegando apenas «ordens superiores». Mandou-o, finalmente, ter com a Direcção Nacional. Mas também não puderam explicar os motivos não só da interdição, como a retenção do passaporte. Disseram-lhe que voltasse ao aeroporto contactar o chefe máximo da DNFA. Este, também, nada pôde explicar ao sacerdote. Na troca de informações, pelo telemóvel, o sacerdote ainda ouviu uma referência ao ano de 2006 como o ano em que, supostamente, Padre Sevo tivesse cometido um pretenso crime.

A ser verdade, este crime deveria ter ocorrido em Espanha, já que o clérigo se encontra fora de Cabinda desde há quatro anos, 2004, quando D. Paulino Madeca ainda era o bispo de Cabinda. O referido chefe ficou profundamente confuso. Pediu-lhe que voltasse a contactá-lo na segunda-feira, dia 20 de Outubro.

Padre Sevo ainda tentou encontrar o bispo de Cabinda, Filomeno Vieira Dias. Em vão. Disseram-lhe que tinha regressado a Cabinda. Uma vez em Cabinda, dia 17 de Outubro, foi até ao Paço. Qual não foi o seu espanto, quando lhe foi comunicado que o bispo ainda estava em Luanda. Face a todo este imbróglio Padre Sevo é obrigado a permanecer todo o fim-de-semana, profundamente doente, numa clínica da urbe.

A notícia espalhou rapidamente pela cidade. Muitos não queriam acreditar no sucedido. Parecia um autêntico melodrama ou algo surrealista visto que, este ano, quase todos os padres de Cabinda que estão no estrangeiro, muitos deles perfazendo já uma década de expatriação, vieram passar férias e voltaram para as suas paróquias em Portugal. Itália etc… sem que nada lhes acontecesse.

Esta situação fez levantar outra vez a névoa de uma suspeição que gira nas cabeças dos cabindas: a Igreja angolana e o MPLA têm em mira alguns padres, mesmo que estes estejam fora de Cabinda. Padre Sevo nunca viveu nem participou no «conflito» da nomeação de D. Filomeno. Todos, no entanto, especulam que Padre Sevo ter caído na desgraça depois de celebrar uma liturgia da palavra, não missa, apoiado pela Fraternidade do Lubundunu, à noite, durante as cerimónias fúnebres do seu tio Domingos António, ocorrido no dia 11 de Outubro na cidade de Cabinda.

Este gesto deverá ter sido comunicado ao palácio e ao paço. Aqui decidiram, à margem da lei, impor à DNFA barrar ao Padre Sevo o regresso a Espanha. Deixaram-no ir até Luanda, porque se o tivessem feito na fronteira de Cabinda a reacção seria maior e as ilações seriam muito mais evidentes. «No entanto, ninguém tem dúvidas donde veio esta «ordem superior» e comentam que «mais uma vez a comunidade Lubundunu encontra a sua razão de existir e o horizonte do fim da dita crise da Igreja de Cabinda reenviada para as calendas gregas».

«Observadores em Cabinda aguardam o epílogo de mais esta odisseia de um «filho-cabinda.» A partir daí já se vai poder confirmar o que muitos temem: «que muitos cabindas estão condenados a padecer até que o MPLA for poder e a presença angolana for colonial.» A história «prova que todos os colonialismos sempre viveram e sobreviveram apoiados por um poder eclesiástico mais ou menos oculto que justifica as suas guerras contra os inimigos da pátria e abençoa os seus algozes» comentou um religioso em Cabinda.

Fonte : PNN Portuguese News Network

23 octobre, 2008

Documento – Angola: Fernando Lelo, juzgado sin las debidas garantías

Classé dans : Société — cabinda @ 13:06

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

Déclaration publique

Index AI : AFR 12/008/2008

ÉFAI

Angola. Procès inéquitable pour Fernando Lelo

Amnesty International a demandé ce lundi 22 septembre la libération immédiate et inconditionnelle de l’ancien correspondant de Voice of America Jose Fernando Lelo, condamné à une peine de douze ans d’emprisonnement le 19 septembre.

L’organisation considère que Jose Fernando Lelo a été condamné uniquement pour avoir exprimé de manière non violente ses opinions, y compris des critiques à l’égard du gouvernement angolais.

Le procès de Jose Fernando Lelo n’a pas respecté les normes internationales d’équité, et les charges retenues contre lui semblent avoir été motivées par des considérations politiques.

Lorsqu’il était correspondant de la station de radio Voice of America, Jose Fernando Lelo écrivait des articles dans lesquels il désapprouvait le protocole d’accord pour la paix et la réconciliation au Cabinda et le processus de paix. Amnesty International considère Jose Fernando Lelo comme un prisonnier d’opinion arrêté et incarcéré uniquement pour avoir, en toute légalité, exprimé ses convictions et critiqué le gouvernement.

Jose Fernando Lelo a été arrêté le 15 novembre 2007 par des membres des Forces armées angolaises (FAA) sur son lieu de travail à Malongo, au nord de la ville de Cabinda, parce qu’il était soupçonné d’avoir planifié une rébellion. Il a été envoyé en avion à Luanda, où il a été détenu pendant trois mois sans inculpation dans l’aile militaire de la Prison de São Paulo. Son arrestation est intervenue à la suite d’accusations selon lesquelles le 12 juillet 2007 il aurait rencontré six soldats dans le quartier de Buco Zau et leur aurait fourni de l’argent et du matériel pour une rébellion. Ces six soldats ont également été arrêtés et inculpés de tentative de rébellion armée et de crimes militaires. Le 28 novembre 2007, Jose Fernando Lelo a été conduit pour interrogatoire dans les bureaux de la police judiciaire militaire, où les six soldats devaient témoigner contre lui. Ces hommes ont cependant déclaré qu’ils ne le connaissaient pas. Malgré la déclaration des soldats, Jose Fernando Lelo est demeuré en détention sans inculpation ni jugement au-delà des quatre-vingt-dix jours de détention provisoire prévus par la législation angolaise, ce qui rendait son maintien en détention contraire non seulement au droit international relatif aux droits humains mais aussi au droit angolais.

En février 2008, l’affaire a été transférée à un tribunal militaire du Cabinda en dépit du fait que Jose Fernando Lelo n’a jamais été un membre de l’armée et ne devait par conséquent pas être jugé par un tribunal militaire, aux termes du droit angolais et du droit international relatif aux droits humains.

En mars 2008, Jose Fernando Lelo a été formellement inculpé de crimes contre la sécurité de l’État et d’instigation de rébellion au Cabinda. Ouvert le 5 mai 2008, le procès s’est conclu le 11 juin 2008. Cependant, ce n’est que le 16 septembre 2008 que le tribunal l’a déclaré coupable et l’a condamné à douze ans d’emprisonnement. Les six soldats ont été jugés en même temps que Jose Fernando Lelo. Cinq ont été reconnus coupables de tentative de rébellion armée et de crimes militaires, le sixième a été acquitté. Les cinq soldats ont été condamnés à treize ans d’emprisonnement. Le tribunal a, semble-t-il, été dans l’impossibilité de prouver que Jose Fernando Lelo avait rencontré les soldats le 12 juillet 2007 à Buco Zau. Les soldats ont déclaré avant le procès qu’ils avaient été torturés et contraints d’avouer qu’ils connaissaient Jose Fernando Lelo et qu’il leur avait fourni du matériel pour une rébellion.

Amnesty International considère que le procès de Jose Fernando Lelo et des six soldats était inéquitable du fait qu’il ne respectait pas les normes internationales relatives aux droits humains. Contrairement à ce que prévoit le droit angolais, Jose Fernando Lelo a été arrêté par des militaires alors qu’il est un civil. Il a été détenu sans inculpation pendant plus de trois mois, en violation des traités internationaux relatifs aux droits humains auxquels l’Angola est un État partie. En outre, Jose Fernando Lelo a été jugé par un tribunal militaire qui n’était pas habilité à le juger et il a été condamné sur la base d’informations qui auraient été obtenues en torturant les soldats. Amnesty International est également préoccupée par le fait que les six soldats auraient été torturés et qu’ils n’ont pas bénéficié d’un procès équitable.

Complément d’information

Jusqu’en janvier 2007, Jose Fernando Lelo était le correspondant de Voice of America dans la province angolaise du Cabinda.

Le Cabinda est une bande de terre enclavée entre la République démocratique du Congo et le Congo. Reconnu internationalement comme territoire angolais, c’est la principale région exportatrice de pétrole du pays. Depuis l’indépendance de l’Angola, cependant, le territoire est en proie à un conflit armé de sécession conduit par le Front de libération de l’enclave du Cabinda (FLEC). En 2004, le FLEC, l’Église, et des organisations de la société civile ont fondé le Forum du Cabinda pour le dialogue (FCD), en vue d’entamer des discussions avec le gouvernement pour établir la paix au Cabinda.

Le 1er août 2006, le gouvernement et le FCD ont signé un protocole d’accord pour la paix et la réconciliation au Cabinda. Cet accord a été rejeté par le FLEC et par certains membres de la société civile, au motif qu’il avait été signé par un ancien président du FCD exclu de cette organisation en avril 2006 et que, par conséquent, il était non représentatif.

Lorsqu’il était correspondant pour Voice of America, Jose Fernando Lelo a écrit plusieurs articles critiques à l’égard du processus de paix et du protocole d’accord.

FIN/

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

The environmental problems in Angola. Case study- Cabinda

Classé dans : Politique — cabinda @ 10:55
Cabinda is one province of the Angola and it is very rich of natural resources as petrolium, diamend, fores,..etc.But now Cabinda lives in critical environmental situation because of these goods.

THE ENVIRONMENTAL PROBLEMS IN ANGOLA
CASE STUDY: CABINDAIntroduction
Cabinda is very small country in the world but is blessed with abundant natural wealth including petroleum, diamonds, Rubin, emerald, metal and non-metal, forestland, woodlands, agriculture lands, wildlife and fishing resources and is destined to become one of Africa’s richest nations. The country is located between Congo-Brazzaville, Congo-Kinshasa and in south separated from Angola by river Congo. The enclave of the Cabinda has a population of approximately 1.600.000 million people and a territory as approximately 13,000 square km; land 11.000square km, water is 3.000 square km- -land area of Cabinda which, is slightly less than twice that of Gambia. [6,7]

The territory of the Cabinda was annexed to Angola in 1956 by colonial regime of Portugal. Although it gained its independence from Portugal in 1975 Angola was left open for internal conflict and international manipulation. Angola was finally emerged from more than two decades of civil war, which finished in 2002. [7]
The level of destruction can clearly be seen by the 22.6% decrease in GDP and the 11-fold decrease in the countries currency (Kwanza) in 1991-1995. In addition to the deterioration of the basic infrastructure the reduction of health services have left Angola with poor water and sewage systems which in turn have led to a huge increase in endemic disease and thus Angola is left with one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world, 209/1000 live births.

Landmines cost as little as $1,2 to manufacture and are classified into two different groups, large tank mines and antipersonnel mines but it is few problem in comparison with the Angola, where the cost landmines is $6 to manufacture and has same classification. The major problem is deforestation, which is going very rapidly by legal and illegal exploration of oil and gas; diamond and metal; wood and fuelwood- -charcoal industries. [5,7]

Abstract – The harvesting of wood for use as fuel also has contributed to the problem of desertification. Desertification is the term used to describe the loss of soil fertility and structure to the extent that its ability to support plant life is severely compromised. In Angola, where desertification has its greatest impact, forest areas are often cleared in order to harvest fuelwood, (illegal charcoal) and for agricultural use. Traditional farming practices, which tend to be inefficient and land-intensive, significantly degrade scarce arable land — the single most important natural resource in Angola. Desertification can lead to downstream flooding, reduced water quality and sedimentation in rivers and lakes. It also can lead to dust storms, air pollution and health problems such as respiratory illnesses and allergies in other hand is exploration of the oil and gas.

Keyword: Exploration of the forest, gas and oil; government policy.

Environmental in Cabinda
The environment in Cabinda is serious critical problem, which central Government and the powerful Party MPLA do not paying any attention, it is a fact. I believe my paper can call attention of World organizations; consequently the intervention of them will be a unique way to put point final in this critical situation of Cabinda. I would like to focus on the principal causes which, provoke the environmental damage in Cabinda:
· The impact of oil exploration and production by Chevron & Texaco and Sonangol companies,
· The policy of Central Government (MPLA),
· Legal and illegal exploration of the forest by population and government.

Impact of Oil Exploration and Production by Chevron & Texaco and Sonangol.
Oil pollution is a big problem and too important subject to be worthy attention, study and discussion in Assembly Parliament of the Angola and by international organizations such as OON, NGO, FAO, and World Banks, G8, SADC, etc. In Angola where the principal source of revenue is oil, debate on the impacts of oil exploration and development on the environment and the health of the community occur frequently between government, local citizens, environmental groups and oil companies. Many believe that the presence of oil refineries, wells and transportation activities in their countries is positive, giving them the opportunity to increase and diversify their trade relationships with other nations and to participate in the global economy.

Environmental problems associated with oil-related activities are numerous. For example, constant spill of petroleum in the sea and burn of gas by company Chevron and Texaco in Cabinda; shipping ports, where the transshipment of oil takes place, the chronic release of oil into the water through ship leakage, ship maintenance or mishandling is a continuing dilemma. The impact of burning gas causes air pollution. Also during the process of exploration and production of oil and gas takes place land pollution.
Oil exploration has caused massive environmental problems off the coast where much of the drilling happens. Aquatic habitats have been lost and air pollution is high. A constant oil spills off the coast of Cabinda have cause a great decrease in the fish population impacting the local fishermen. Before and to 1999, a spill at the Malongo terminal caused reduction of fish stocks, and one time compensation of US$2,000 by Chevron does not cover the damage done to the area; in 2000 twice, 2001-2006 and 2007 spilled 3.9 barrels of oil at sea. [3,4,7,8]

The policy of central Government (MPLA)
The role of the central and local government of the Angola relative to Cabinda is poor and super negative, even though Angola is multiparty country, but the power is centralized, the President has too much power and that government doesn’t want change the work policy, law of protection forests and woodlands; ecosystem, biodiversity (flower and fauna). Without the vision in ecological, environment social, economic factors, which are the principal way to define the forest and woodland strategy- -the nature especially forest is continuing to be constant violated. The central Government often ignores this problem, despite the fact that it’s cumulative effects may have significant effects on the surrounding ecosystem. Natural habitats, such as seabed’s, wetlands and mud lands, which are increasingly, recognized as fundamental elements of a country’s natural environment and economic resource base are often located near or in maritime port locations. As world oil demand increases every day, this is a positive for economic of the Angola but negative for population and nature. The environmental safety law is weak and still it benefits maneuver the central Government to rule the country without transparency, etc- – there is major risk for forest and biodiversity. The Ministry of Fishing and Environment administered by Dr. Fatima Jardim has no power to solve problems and appeal sanctions to the constant spill of petroleum into the sea and forest of Cabinda. Everything is depending for lack of reading and of the good will and dynamic of the President of the Republic.
During a mission to Cabinda in August 2004, Human Rights Watch found that although the human rights situation in Cabinda had improved since mid-2003 due to a decrease in military operations, the FAA continued to commit violations against civilians with almost complete impunity. The pressure by the Central Government against the population of the Cabinda is very high.
Human Rights Watch had documented the constant focus violations of human rights abuses against civilians in the past and present year, including extra judicial executions, arbitrary arrests and detention, torture and other mistreatment, sexual violence, dismiss, and the denial of civilians’ freedom of movement. Human Rights Watch was too found little evidence of recent abuses committed by FLEC factions against civilians, probably because of FLEC’s weakened capacity. » [7,6,3]

For stance:
· Dismiss of the priests Casmiro Congo, Raul Taty, J. Prito and others (Member of Human Right Association of Cabinda),
· Dismiss of the Engineer Agronomy « Agostinho Chicaia » from position of chief of Environmental department in Cabinda, member of the Human Right Association of Cabinda and the President of civic organization of the Mpalabanda.
· Arbitrary arrest of the journalist and activist « Raul Danda » in Cabinda,
· Arbitrary arrest of the British citizen Dr. Sarah Wyke, the member of World Human Right Organization.
Note: There are many reasons, which provoke the conflict in enclave of the Cabinda and all those are summarized in exploration of the wealth and result the population live very poor, without the right for speech.

Legal and illegal exploration of the forest by population and government
The Forest (TREES) – plays an important role in the local people lives as it provides a much-needed source of income and also in the cultures of the people. Trees often have spiritual and social value deeper than the simple economic value. The Douka trees that the Cabindans rely so heavily upon have been suffering from the ravages of war. They used to export the trees to Portugal, Germany and the Netherlands etc, which fetch anywhere from $100 to nearly $2000 per cubic meter as a main generator of income, or simply used the trees for their own private use. Most of the trees are illegal hutting.

The centralization of government, but more importantly the completely lack of governmental laws and regulations, as well as the rampant use of the town by insurrectionists crossing in from the Congo-Kinshasa have stripped bare the trees from Cabinda and have further impoverished the environment of Cabinda and Cubans soldier in period of Unique Party MPLA as contribute so many in destruction of the forest of Cabinda. Commercial forestry and mining have also hurt the trees as many of the forests were old and were not replaced after being demolished. Chevron Oil Corporation has also scoured the region in search for trees for its oil exploration interests in Cabinda, which provides nearly 70% of the oil revenue for Angola. Its vast holdings have served only to hasten the degradation of many local environments. Land pollution, Massive deforestation, and industrial pollution. Poverty leads to overgrazing of arable land making agriculture production disastrous.

Toxic chemicals are constant times used in the extraction of minerals, such as gold, which end up in the rivers, result as toxins bioaccumulation in fish and wildlife, which are sources of food for the same communities and include deforestation, soil erosions, silting of rivers, landslides and mining accidents. It is estimated that the rate of occurrence of fatal accidents in small mining activities is six times higher than it is in larger operations. The other problem with illegal exploration of diamond is almost same as the goal. For example as provinces as Lunda Nort and sul; Bie, Malanje have also critical environmental problems. There are so many holes in the land provoked by legal or illegal exploration of metal, no metal, and precious stone (diamond, Rubin, emerald). [1] Many of these activities are based on natural resources and include carpentry and craft production, charcoal manufacturing, collection and trade of non-timber forest products, artisan mining and metal works. Although entry into many such activities is easy, their profitability and efficiency is undercut by bureaucratic controls, lack of investment and inadequate support for market engagement. There is little incentive for users to invest in technologies and to manage resources sustainably.
Artisan mining has been a major source of income, increasing the wealth of rural populations. This new income supports investments in agriculture and nonagricultural pursuits, and thus increases the options available to rural communities. Inadequate regulation and enforcement in the artisan-mining sector has, however, led to serious environmental problems and risk to humans.

Fuelwood and Charcoal Availability
Fuelwood resource
Angola has a forest cover of more than 80% of its landscape and in gross terms. The annual production of fuel quality biomass substantially exceeds demand. However, woodfuel demand is national, particularly in the urban centers.
In the urban and rural sectors of the economy is still and without of any profit by the business fuelwood, in all 18 provinces in the cities and sub-cities, dominates the household energy market and hence with higher efficiency of conversion from wood to charcoal. I mean the demand for fuelwood and Charcoal (Firewood) is increasing rapidly by two main reasons: the Government has no any capacity, plan and interest to supply gas, oil and electricity to the population and the gradual growth of the population. The increase of the demand is especially high at the expense of the Zambezian and Congo basins. The result of the analyze of the non-governmental organization (Human Right Association) shows that during the period of 1978-1995 a biomass fuel estimated at 70 – 80% of final consumption, of which was 5% of charcoal for the urban household market, and 61% for the rural consumption market. Although the population was decreased that period, the need for woodfuel in the household market was increasing rapidly in the absence of other sources of household energy supply such as kerosene, cooking gas and electricity, etc. It also has consequences on the costs attached to these commodities thus putting aggregate consumption at 94% in the household energy sector.

Charcoal production 1986 – 2002
The role of government in charcoal production and supply is Zero, but it is in support of the private sector by providing incentives to use the most economic woodfuel resources and to upgrade the efficiency of conversion methods from wood to charcoal as it is practiced in the almost world countries.
Firewood and charcoal production and supply are generally managed by a large number of Cabinda-Angola smallholders and entrepreneurs. The industries in this field act without necessary juridical certificate process (document), the constraints of traditional technology and poor transport infrastructure; the market is supplied adequately and efficiently. [3,10] The provision and supply of these commodities have become a major industry and commercial activities in all parts of the country. Besides accommodating household energy needs, about 47 percent of former industrial workers, a lot of unemployed, rural people and ex-militaries (soldiers of the MPLA, UNITA and some the FLEC) now have engaged in charcoal production and trade as this business is one of the main survival in the private sector. The big problem, there is not project, structure, study, control and data The production of charcoal has economic costs attached despite the use of earthen kilns by char coalers in all localities. The costs of producing coal from the all kind of the trees natural and plantation forest are summarized in figure1. While the financial incentives about how many people, what kind of the trees, the quantity of the trees and in which areas are cutting every day for that business.
Recent estimates of charcoal product are about 10 – 15%, between 1986 – 2002 due to inaccessibility of the tropical rain forest and about 5 – 8% plantation forest to char-coalers, during the civil war. After the national conflict (war), this kind of industry began to grow very fast and government continues lose a good profit in this business.

ECONOMIC COST OF PRODUCTION
For charcoal producers favor the carbonization of forest wood with returns to labor of about $250 /day as compared with $175/day for char coalers producing from hardwood of tree. But the aggregate income incentives to hardwood coal maker is marginally higher than the cost of producing charcoal from forest wood for the following reasons:
· Hardwood charcoal is plentiful in the market than the charcoal made out of the rainforest,
· The mass production is due to nearness to main all weathers roads as compared to forest roads that are inaccessible at certain time of the year, and
· The cost by distance to transport hardwood tree coal is very shorter than forest tree coal. Yet, the forest tree charcoal is favor because of its more heating capacity, which means, less coal can prepare better meal as compared to a hardwood–tree coal, which is quick in transforming to ashes during cooking.

Consumption
At national level, it has been estimated and proven that whatsoever is carbonated is likely consumed (see graphic 1) by the household market. Nevertheless, the largest consuming center cities have been supplied by demand of urban communities. Counties respectively (see graphic1) due to the level of its demanding capacity, and the economic interest char coalers attached to the sale of the commodity. Though 68% of the territory was in critical period of war, between 1983 and 1997, the production and supply of charcoal were considered affected (decrease) and demand continue increased in some big cities and in 2000 to 2006 peace period the production, supply and demand begin increase rapid. In this business are not exported and import of the coal, but in colonial period it was doing by Portuguese.

Conclusion and recommendation
The almost all-illegal or legal exploration of forest is carried without the professional specialist in the Science of the forest and environment. At this moment In Angola no sufficient professional specialist, also the salary is very low, specialists have no work conditions as transport for research, fuel for transport. All these problems cause escape of specialist. But within that the exploration of the oil-gas is carried by good professional specialists (Americans, French’s, Canadians, Angolans, etc), subsequent soil erosion attributable to population pressures; desertification; deforestation of tropical rain forest, in response to international demand for tropical timber and for domestic use as fuel. This has resulted in loss of biodiversity; soil erosion contributing to water pollution; situation of rivers and dams; inadequate supplies of potable water. About this and others, which provoke political, social, economic and armed conflict in Cabinda is possible to resolve or minimized.
This is not war against the Government of the Angola, but this is the legal way to be call attention the central government and world.
a) I would like to recommend the central Government of the Angola to take American, Canadian or Chinese Management System (where, every province has to find their own way to develop according their natural resource and pay few percent of their income to the Central Government); it will be resolve many problems, which provoke conflict in the country.

There is a need of good strategy:
· Angola to Cabinda need Marshal plan/project ==New governmental Policy (politic and socio-economic) and transparency system in all structure of the country (economic, politic, military, control and tax inspector, supervisor and anticorruption faith).

b) Desertification stems from complex socio-economic-environmental problems requiring integrated multi-disciplinary approaches and action programmers to solve them. A number of common constraints inhibit effective remedial action is priority attention in the course of determining practical physical means to combat desertification. [6] For stance:
· Lack of econometric models to analyze the efficiency of alternative production systems;
· Insufficient knowledge of economic gains, direct benefits and costs, opportunity costs and externalities;
· Under-exploitation, in many instances, of cash economies in rural communities;
· Insufficient knowledge of marketing opportunities that are external to rural communities;
· Lack of institutional arrangements by which production systems, and particularly agro-forestry systems, can be planned, financed and administered;
· Insufficient or partially complete planning;
· Informing decision-makers and others that in many instances, long periods of protection are needed for noticeable yields and desired results; this is especially the case with agro-forestry systems;
· Communication and attitudes between technical administrators and rural people; legal conflicts, including land tenure;
· Education and training, which too often is patterned on « information center of data ».

author: Jose Tomas        e-mail: arvel5tomas2yahoo.com.br

Annexes

1. Figure 1. Consumption household (charcoal industry)

From: 1978 -supply 7% –demand 20%
1983 -supply 5% –demand 25%
1990 -supply 3% –demand 26,5%
1995 -supply 6% –demand 25%
2000 -supply 10% –demand 27%
2003 -supply 20% –demand 30%
2005 -supply 25% –demand 28%

Source: PhD student JAS Tomas 2006 in Angola

2 – Figure 2 environment provoked by industries in Angola
Note: Companies, which provoke environment in Cabinda enclave:
· Exploration of oil and gas by Chevron & Texaco and Sonangola 60%
· Transport 13%,
· Forest, charcoal 14%
· Agriculture 10% and
· Other 3%

Source: PhD student JAS Tomas 2005
Reference:
1- African Timber Organization. 1996/98. Information Bulletin nº 3, 4,6. Libreville.
2- Angola, « Microsoft(R) Encarta (R) 97 Encyclopedia. (R) 1993-1996 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved.
3- AngoNoticia – Sep 2005. M.A – Sector forestal preocupado com o aumento producao anarquia de carvao (News-journal of the Angola)
4- AngoPress -2007 .02, Chevron & Texaco confirma outro derrame de 3.9 barris de petroleo no mar de Cabinda. (News-journal of the Angola)
5- Anuário Africa Hoje. 1998. Um olhar sobre a economia do Continente Africano. Lisboa. 144 p.
6- Fao Rome 1993/4. Role of forestry in combating desertification
7- Hacktivismo -20006.12, Human Right watch report on Angola.
8- Ibinda.com 1998/99 derrame de petroleo no mar de Cabinda, porta voz dos direito humanos. (News -journal of the Cabinda)
9- LuandaDigital.com -2005-10. Costa de Cabinda regista novas derramas de petroleo. (News-journal of the Angola)
10- Piearce, G. D. and Gumbo, D. J. 1993. The Ecology and Management of Indigenous Forests in Southern Africa. Zimbabwe Forestry Commission SAREC. Harare.

 phone: 86-571-87933541

22 octobre, 2008

Registado novo derrame de petróleo no mar de Cabinda

Classé dans : Société — cabinda @ 12:17

gbnewsderrame.jpg

Um derrame de petróleo de pequena proporção foi registado quinta-feira última na área do complexo Delta do offshore de Cabinda, devido à ruptura de um oleoduto.O facto foi confirmado pelo director das relações públicas da Chevron, Humberto Baquissi.

Referiu que o derrame não compromete a actividade pesqueira.

Para o coordenador da associação dos pescadores do município de Cacongo, José dos Santos, o derrame afectou significativamente as águas do mar, acrescentando terem sido já comunicadas às entidades competentes para a normalização da situação.

19 octobre, 2008

«Acção do MPLA em Cabinda vai reforçar a guerrilha» considera analista político

Classé dans : Non classé — cabinda @ 18:50

Analista em Cabinda, que por motivos de segurança pediu anonimato, considerou em entrevista ao Ibinda.com que o estrangulamento económico e perseguição de personalidades, que está a aplicar em Cabinda, vai fomentar um reforço da guerrilha.

«Observadores mais optimistas pensavam que o MPLA poderia mudar de postura em Cabinda, tendo em conta o seu desaire eleitoral. Outros, no entanto, mais pessimistas, eram de opinião que isto jamais iria dar-se» considerou o analista contactado pelo Ibinda.com. «Primeiro, porque o MPLA foi o único partido durante a campanha eleitoral que jamais apresentou um projecto para Cabinda. Segundo, o MPLA sempre pensou que a melhor maneira de manter-se em Cabinda era com «bastão». Este é usado de muitas maneiras, mas tendo algumas variantes permanentes: privilegiaria, promoção de marionetas cabindas, obras de fachada, massificação partidária, ocupação militar e sufocamento económico.» Por isso, todos estavam atentos para ver o que o MPLA iria fazer logo após as eleições, apesar de «todos prognosticarem que não faria nada de mau muito vistoso antes das eleições presidenciais, para não acicatar ainda mais os cabindas.»

«Os optimistas enganaram-se», considerou, e os «medos dos pessimistas ficaram aquém da dimensão e da cronologia pensados». Segundo o mesmo analista politico o «reconduzir a malta de Bento Bembe aos seus postos anteriores, dando-lhes vices com maior poder e saber, veio dizer aos cabindas que o MPLA não estava nada disposto a abrir espaço para dialogar» com os verdadeiros «filhos da terra». Bento Bembe, nos seus discursos contestáveis, apoiando as «imposturas do Chefe do Estado-maior, era um sinal de alarme: o MPLA tinha fechado as portas à outra qualquer solução que não fosse àquela de ajoelhar-se diante da integração angolana. Foi esta mensagem que os maiorais do MPLA do Sinfo deixaram no ar aquando da inauguração do monumental prédio para o Sinfo na cidade de Cabinda: «a carta que estiver fora do baralho está definitivamente». Aliás, a condenação de Fernando Lelo já antevia este cenário.»

O MPLA, contudo, mesmo tendo em conta as presidenciais, está a «procurar limpar o terreno de qualquer sombra inimiga que se mexe.»

Primeiro, «intensificou o empobrecimento do povo de Cabinda até à sufocação.» Não só continua a negar construir um porto de águas profundas, mas como colocou a «sorte dos cabindas nas mãos quer dos zairenses a quem deu todo o comércio informal, matando toda e qualquer lojinha ou outra iniciativa de um Cabinda com a sua polícia económica quer com os congoleses que não se cansam em pedir taxas astronómicas para mercadorias ou viaturas em trânsito.»

«Um Cabinda desfazia-se em altos gritos de desespero, quando, em Ponta Negra, a alfândega lhe exigia um valor superior à mercadoria que tinha comprado em Dubai» testemunhou o mesmo analista, que afirma: «Neste momento, estão no porto de Ponta Negra mais de dois mil contentores para Cabinda, cujos proprietários, muitos deles, não terão dinheiro para os desalfandegar. E, como se isto não bastasse, vai dificultando a vida às empresas mais ou menos bem-sucedidas em Cabinda. Conta-se que a EMCICA, a maior empresa construtora de Cabinda, só consegue ter obras com uma cunha em Luanda. A Oraf tem os armazéns secos, a Impex tem os contentores a apodrecerem e o Simbila, o maior minimercado, está a atravessar o deserto; vê a vida continuamente bloqueada, complicada e entorpecida. O MPLA tem medo que o «Cabinda» se torne rico. Assim vai ajudar a guerrilha.»

«Segundo, sub-repticiamente, vai dificultando a sobrevivência de alguns «fazedores de opiniões», sobretudo, aqueles que nas eleições corporizaram, de longe ou de perto, a revolta do povo.» Agostinho Chicaia desde há muito tempo que não consegue encontrar onde trabalhar, mesmo como engenheiro agrónomo que é a sua formação. Os padres Tati e Pambo têm a sua vida, como docentes, dificultada e a fio no ISCED (Instituto Superior de Ciências de Educação) e na UPRA (Universidade Privada de Angola). «O responsável desta tem resistido até agora às investidas do MPLA e da eterna Casa Militar para pôr fora os dois sacerdotes, Lanzo Tati e Xavier Soca Tati.»

Segundo o analista entrevistado pelo Ibinda.com «ninguém admirará se, nos próximos dias, Rui Mingas, como bom MPLA, primo de Kopelipa e Filomeno Vieira Dias, puser definitivamente padre Jorge Congo e o Dr. Luemba fora da Universidade Lusíada, em Cabinda. Seria uma boa demonstração de subserviência ao poder para as suas pretensões seculares de ser governador de Cabinda» considerou.

Estas medidas vão sendo acompanhadas de «actos de suma violência como é o bárbaro assassinato do comandante Maymona, doente e incapaz de se defender ao mesmo tempo que vai procurando semear a confusão e a desinformação, promovendo, enchendo de carros e dólares homens como Zenga Mambu, João Mabiala que, em nome da FLEC e de um pretenso nacionalismo, vão semeando e propalando um discurso de cariz tribal, visando a destruição dos inimigos de predilecção do MPLA.»

Estes factos revelam que o MPLA «não está e nunca estará no coração dos cabindas e que ainda não aprendeu que a violência não resulta, quando um povo está determinado a libertar-se de um colonialismo pior que aquele português», concluiu.

(c) PNN Portuguese News Network

13 octobre, 2008

Cabinda: Morreu Liberal Nuno, lider da FLEC-CSA

Classé dans : Non classé — cabinda @ 15:48

liberalnunocsa.jpg

Morreu na madrugada deste sábado, em Lisboa, José Maria Liberal Nuno, antigo membro da FLEC/FAC e conselheiro de Nzita Tiago. Acabou por se afastar do movimento criando FLEC-CSA (Conselho Superior Alargado).

Na década de 90, Liberal Nuno integra a FLEC/FAC a partir de Lisboa e destaca-se junto dos órgãos de comunicação social lusos durante o período da «crise dos reféns» em Cabinda. Progressivamente impõe-se como porta-voz do movimento em Portugal e conselheiro próximo de Nzita Tiago, presidente do movimento nacionalista cabinda.

Em Abril de 2003 Liberal Nuno afasta-se da FLEC/FAC acusando o presidente do movimento de pretender arrastar a «questão de Cabinda». O movimento riposta acusando Liberal Nuno de ser um «agente» ao serviço de Luanda com a «missão de eliminar» Nzita Tiago. Agosto de 2004, Liberal Nuno não é convidado a participar na reunião inter-cabindesa na Holanda, quando FLEC/FAC e FLEC Renovada, em presença da sociedade civil, decidem se fundir num só movimento. Em Setembro do mesmo ano cria FLEC-CSA (Conselho Superior Alargado) e autoproclama-se presidente.

Parte para Luanda e inicia um périplo junto dos nacionalistas Cabindas e dos refugiados nos campos da República Democrática do Congo e Congo Brazzaville com o objectivo de criar um órgão federativo dos movimentos nacionalistas cabindas e que os militares abandonem a luta armada. A sua acção resulta num fiasco. Numa conferência no Centro Cultural de Chiloango (Cabinda), perante os protestos dos presentes que o acusam de «trabalhar a favor de Luanda», é forçado a retirar-se sob protecção das forças de segurança angolanas.

Perante o fiasco da sua acção tentou recentemente, sem sucesso, restabelecer contactos com Nzita Tiago a fim reintegrar a FLEC. Uma hipótese rejeitada pelos militares das FAC que se opuseram a qualquer tipo colaboração de Liberal Nuno no movimento.

Em Dezembro 2007 Liberal Nuno esteve presente em algumas conferências durante a Cimeira Europa África em Lisboa, permanecendo contudo discreto na sua actividade sobre Cabinda.

Foi autor d’uma moção recente de não violência em cabinda.

(c) PNN Portuguese News Network

10 octobre, 2008

L’Angola veut éviter que l’Angolagate n’éclabousse ses dirigeants

Classé dans : Politique — cabinda @ 7:45

Le gouvernement angolais veut éviter que le procès de l’Angolagate n’éclabousse ses dirigeants, dont le président José Eduardo dos Santos, soupçonné d’avoir touché d’énormes pots-de-vin dans cette affaire de vente d’armes. L’affaire remonte à 1993. Le président Dos Santos, « profondément blessé » d’être « assimilé à un contrebandier d’armes » avait rompu tout contact avec Paris au début de la procédure.

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